Culture and Traditions

BIRTH

For her first child the young mother goes back to her own home, to be helped by her mother and relations; this is a safeguard for the husband, so that he and his clan will not be held responsible should any difficulty be encountered. After this first experience, whether the child survives or not, future children are born in their own home. When the time draws near, bananas are roasted, and some stiff porridge is made. This latter the women of the village scatter inside the hut, in order to satisfy the evil spirits, so that they shall have no hungry design upon the infant to be born. The mother is not allowed to partake of this porridge, nor to drink milk, until the umbilical cord has been severed, though she is allowed other forms of sustenance, if she so desires. The first food the infant is given is a little pre-masticated roasted banana; thereafter it is nursed by its mother, and no additional strain is put on its digestive system. The mother will stay in the hut and rest for seven days, or for longer if her strength has not returned. The baby is carried on the mother's back and used never to be laid down by itself until it was able to walk unaided. Com-plementary feeding is begun about three months, when a little pre-masticated banana is added to the diet.

 

The first child is always called after one of the grand- parents, but the name did not necessarily follow either patrilineal or matrilineal lines, though, as has already been stated, descent was patrilineal. Should the child die, no subsequent child would be called by that grand-parent's name. Albinos used to be killed at birth, but in the case of abnormal labour, or the birth of twins.

CHILDHOOD

Male and female circumcision is practised, but with­ out any elaborate ceremony. In the case of girls, it takes place during the first week of life, and is performed by someone skilled in the operation; it does not entail the excessive mutilation that often is found when circum­cision takes place in adolescence. The custom is still widely followed, and even where fathers now desire to abrogate this custom, quite frequently it is carried out without his knowing, as it is unaccompanied by any ritual. There are, however, a growing number of girls that have not been circumcised.

 

With boys, the ceremony takes place some time between the ages of 7 and 11 years. One boy might be circumcised by himself, but usually the parents of several boys would group together so as to defray the expenses of the feast, which included beer, goats, and chickens. Although there was no great ceremonial, the circum­cision was considered an important feature in the up-bringing of the child. More and more use is being made of the hospital for this operation.

 

Children were permitted to be spectators at the dances, but were not allowed to take part themselves.

PUBERTY

When the child entered adolescence, an initiation ceremony was held, called Mwari. As in the case of circumcision, this was left to the initiative of the individual parents, two or three grouping together for the sake of their adolescent children, boys and girls. The grouping of the children depended upon their physical development, and not upon the date of their birth. Each child chosë his own sponsor, or instructor, called Mwichi, from among those who had already passed through the ceremony, but it was not necessary that the mwichi should be married, although most of the instruction was on sexual matters. The teaching lasted about a week, during which time all friends were invited, and there was a great deal of feasting, drinking, and dancing. The candidates took no part in the dancing, but spent the time in one of the huts together with their sponsors. The boys and girls received their instruction together, and each sponsor gave his or her instruction to the whole assembly. When the feast had ended, the young people were counted as having left their childhood behind, and the boys were called Wadawana, and the girls Wai.

 

They were now entitled to dance, and they were allowed, and sometimes encouraged, to play with mem bers of the opposite sex. The one thing they were warned against in the strongest terms was the instigating of pre-nuptial pregnancy; otherwise they were allowed as much freedom as they cared to exercise, often living together in the fields on the plains, where they were sent to protect the crops.

 

It was possible for a boy to get married before his Mwari, though this was uncommon; with girls it was not possible. These youths were on no account allowed to be warriors; before going to battle a man had to marry and start a family.

MARRIAGE

Marriage was an arrangement concluded between the elders of two families, and the choice of the girl, in the first instance, rested with the boy's parents, who used to spend a considerable time in searching out a girl whom they considered to be a good-charactered girl, suited temperamentally to their son. When they had decided on the girl, her parents would be invited to a beer-drinking, during which time no negotiations would be initiated. Later,a second invitation would be given and during the drinking the boy's father would ask a gift of the visitors, either one of their fields or one of their cattle and such a request would be understood to mean that their daughter’s hand was asked in marriage. These two preliminary beer drinkings were called ‘’Kukurua’’ and might take place whilst the couple were still very young. In such a case, nothing further would be done until the time drew near for their marriage. Then the boy's family would take beer to the girl's village, 'Njama'. The boy and girl would then be told by their parents of the arrangement, and from that time on-wards they would avoid meeting each other in public. The elders would start discussions as to how much equilibrium-payment should be made, and beer and other foodstuffs would be sent periodically to the girl's village, together with the goats and cattle. When at last consent was granted, the girl was not informed. The ; boy would arrange with his relatives to go and kidnap her on a given day, whilst she was at work. She would resist with all her strength, whether she approved of her suitor or not, and was generally carried off screaming and struggling to the boy's mother. Here, she would not. .. eat until her parents either sent her food or gave her permission to eat the food of the village. If no such word was received, she had to be returned to her parents, although this seldom had to be done. The father-in-law and mother-in-law each had to give her a present before she would consent to eat, the father-in-law probably a goat, and the mother-in-law presenting her with a string of beads. For seven days she sat and did nothing, being brought food and drink; at the end of this time her mother-in-law gave her several strings of beads, known as 'ngange’ or 'kidala'. The following day, the women of the village mixed oil with a special kind of red earth, called 'ilongo', and this was rubbed on the small depression at the top of the breast-bone, where the collar-bones join the sternum, of both the bride and the bridegroom. The boy then shaved off some of the girl's hair, and vice versa, an act called 'kida' ; and the hair was buried between the hearth-stones. The bride was then shown the fields that she would cultivate, and she came back with a load of sugar-cane from them. On arrival back in the village the sugar-cane was taken and brewed into beer for the father-in-law on the next day; meanwhile she was given a bundle of firewood to put on her head, whereupon she greeted her mother-in-law, calling her 'Ambango'.

 

When asked whence she came, she replied 'From such and such a field'. This greeting was repeated seven times. The following day the bride took cooked bananas to her parents, and returned with other bananas, either cooked or raw. The bride carried nothing on her head or back until she was given permission to do so by her mother-in-law; this permission might be withheld for a month. The couple continued to live with the boy's mother for several years, until there were one or two children. The man was then allowed to go out and fight, but however grave the circumstances hè was not allowed to do so in earlier life. When children were born and family begun, the parents of the couple began to arrange about building them a house. The children had to wait for the parents to make the arrangements; they could not do it themselves nor was it the responsibility of the boy’s family alone.

 

When the bride was caught and taken to her husband's home, she was not taken by surprise in the course of her normal duties, but she used to run away and hide among distant relatives. This custom has changed, and the present genera tion know nothing about it. When these preliminaries are settled the girl runs away and affects to hide. She is sought out by the bridegroom and three or four of his friends. When she is found, the men seize her and carry her off to the hut of her future husband, generally each man holding a limb, so that she is supported by four men including the bridegroom. On arriving at their destination, being accompanied on. The way by bands of laughing girls and women, she enters the hut with her four captors, and each in turn is allowed to exercise a peculiarly marital privilege. Then having been in this strange manner repaid for their services, they leave her to the exclusive possession of her husband. She remains with him for three days, then is escorted back to her father's house by another proces­sion, and finally returns to her future home to take up the cares and duties of domestic life.

SlCKNESS AND HEALTH

Sickness was supposed to be brought on by one of four causes: evil spirits, epidemics,-angry ancestors, or witch-doctors. The cause of the sickness was discovered by the diviners, or Walaghui, who divined either from the entrails of a sacrificial animal, or else by using the dried seeds of a wild banana, called 'isengerugu', which were kept in a gourd. They would then prescribe that if the patiënt wished to be cured, such and such a sacrifice should be offered in the endeavour to propitiate the angered ancestor or spirit. If the sickness developed in gravity, a medicine-man, or Mghanga, would be called in, and the patiënt kept off sweet food.

 

If the patiënt was very seriously ill, and it was clear that hè would die, hè would be supported in a sitting position until the body relaxed in death, whereupon the corpse would be laid down. If the eyes began to roll, or to become fixed in a cold stare, the eyelids would be closed for fear of the evil eye, and when the body was laid back on the bed the legs would be bent, possibly to reduce the size of the grave. The women-folk started wailing before death took place, but the men restrained themselves until afterwards. The body was washed, and the head shaven by old women of the village, who were past child-bearing. If the person was of importance, and the cause of the death insufficiently substantiated, the old men would conduct a post-mortem.

 

Before the burial took place, the cattle in the hut were let loose, and after the disposal of the body the relatives were ceremonially washed at the doorway of the deceased's hut. The men-folk then went to the de ceased's fields to get sugar-cane, which had to be broken down without the use of a panga or other implement, and this was made into beer, called 'lambo', for the next day. On this first day a goat would be killed, and the undigested contents of the stomach put on one side for sacrificial purposes later. The goat was roasted in the doorway, using grass from the eaves above the door and beams from the loft to make the ft re. The goat was eaten with stiff porridge, but first of all seven mouthfuls were spued on the ground. All the chief mourners shaved their heads, and the wailing would continue in modera­ tion for four days. After this, a cow or goat was killed, and when it had been consumed friends would return to t heir villages, Relatives, however, would continue to sit and wail for a further three days. On the termination of these seven days the women went to the fields to fetch food, and the men went down to the plains for practice shooting. This acted as a break, and they then returned to the village to mourn until a complete lunar month had passed; during this time friends would supply them with food, water, and firewood. When the moon came round to the same position in which it was when the person died, the period of mourning was closed; this was referred to as 'kudumbua maridia’ This event was marked by scattering sacrificially the undigested con­tents of the stomach of the goat, already mentioned, upon the crops. Friends returned and wailed the whole night long, re-shaving themselves, whilst the women, in addition, oiled themselves in the doorway of the hut. A cow was killed on this occasion in payment to those who helped dig the grave; decisions were taken about the inheritance of the deceased's property, and especially as to that of his wife or wives. Young wives might express a desire to re-marry, but older ones would be looked after by one of the deceased's brothers. It was lawful for a man to inherit the wife of his uncle, either on his father's or mother's side, provided no one nearer in kin wished to inherit her. Other inheritable property would norm-ally go to the sons. If the deceased had been pre-deceased by husband or wife, and was therefore living in the hut alone, the hut would be sold for a sheep or goat, dismantled, and the poles and thatching used elsewhere by the purchaser. The house would not be used by others where it was, except where the deceased had been living in the hut with wife or husband, who would continue to occupy it.

 

When a medicine-man died, wailing did not begin until after a sheep had been sacrificed, whilst, if death was due to some epidemic, the mourners had first to be cleansed by a medicine-man.

ANCESTOR WORSHIP

It is now generally accepted that 'ancestor-worship' is a misnomer for the relationship| that obtained between the living and the dead amongst most Bantu peoples. There was no idea of worship, and, in fact, amongst the Wataita resort was only had to the departed spirits in the case of trouble and distress. Immediately the body relaxed in death, the spirit was thought to be in 'warumunyi', or the place of departed spirits. There was no hiatus or intervening safari. The abode of the spirits was only a clan abode. Other clans and tribes doubtless had their abodes or clan-heavens, but these were of no concern except to themselves. No one seemed to bother about where the clan-heaven was situated; it was just taken for granted that it existed. But the spirits, nevertheless, seemed to live rather a shadowy, unenviable life there, and the living had no desire to go over and join them. They seemed to bring only trouble to those members of the clan still on this earth, which necessitated offerings being made to propitiate one or other of them. The exception to this was in the case of those who died in childhood. They went to the clan- heaven, but no more was heard of them, as they caused no trouble.

 

When a man or woman was seriously ill, and the diviner was unable to point to any misdeed on the part of one of the members of the clan towards one of the ancestors, or to divine any misbehaviour in the group, it was said that the departed spirits were at variance amongst themselves, some wanting the person to die and join them, and others wishing him to be spared still a while to live on earth, for apparently those in the clan- heaven had a say in when a person died.

 

When a man was buried, a stone would be placed to mark the position of his head. At some later date gener­ ally about the space of a year, when some sickness or trouble had come to the group, the diviner would show that the cause of the trouble originated from the deceased, and would recommend his or her skull being placed in the ancestral cave with those of his forebears. This would be carried out by the old men of the family, and would be accompanied by ritual beer-drinking with the departed. When the skull was exhumed, if it had not yet become separate from the spine, it would be severed. Skulls of both men and women were placed in the ancestral cave.

 

The skull cave was not visited very frequently, as the departed spirits had collectively their representatives in each hut, and communication with the departed was generally carried out by sacrifices to one or other of these emblems in the hut. There were five of them:

 

Milimu— the shell of a cocoa-nut, with very old beer in it.

 

Saru —seeds of a certain wild banana plant.

 

Vifumbi —a new stool.

 

Mfuko —-a string bag, with certain 'medicines' in it.

 

Mwalwembe— the horn of a goat or ram, with 'medicine' in it.

 

When a person married hè had to procure these emblems to hang up in his own house. If trouble or sick­ ness came to the village, the cause might well rest in one of these emblems, rather than in the ancestors them­selves, and the emblem divined as causing the trouble would be brought out of the hut, and the prescribed sacrifice offered to it. If it was beer, this would be spued out of the mouth to it, and help would be demanded from the emblem in putting an end to the particular trouble. If it was a meat-offering, after the animal had been ceremonially slain, a portion would be put on one side for the emblem, and the rest eaten by the village. Later, the portion set aside would be thrown to the dogs.The officiant at such ceremonies would not be the offender, or the person in trouble, but the elders of the village, as such matters were the concern of the whole village, and not just of the particular individual.

 

The villagers were quite ready to speak frankly to these household emblems, and to upbraid them, if they considered they were not, so to speak, pulling their weight in the life of the community. Such rebukes were never addressed direct to the ancestors, when sacrifices were offered at the skull cave. In later days, these house­hold emblems might even be threatened that if they continued to bring trouble to the household they would be taken and handed over to the Mission—a step that was taken from time to time!

 

God came little into their thoughts, although there was a somewhat vague belief in a higher Being. He was looked upon as a great trouble-maker, and generally the cause of famine, barrenness, etc. A sacrifice, called 'Ng'ombe ya Mlungu', was offered to to him when famine was past or barreness terminated, but normally sacri­ fices were made to the ancestors or household emblems. The sacrifices were conducted either by the elders of the village, if it was a domestic affair, or by the elders of the clan, if it was some more general matter. The commonest sacrifices were of beer, or a sheep, or a goat. In the event of famine, or locusts, or an epidemic grip-ping the whole countryside, each clan would offer its sacrifices separately. They did not combine as a tribe in such matters.

 

Apart from the ‘Ng’ombe ya Mlungu’’ already referred to, there were two sacrifices of thanks- giving rather than of appeasement: they were Mwanja, when some trouble was ended, and Mliinu, at a time of rejoicing, such as after the birth of a child. But these thanksgivings were generally coupled with a prayer for future prosperity. .

 

The Baobab tree was looked upon as particularly the abode of spirits.

 

Nowadays, practically none of these religious observ ances are continued, even among the heathen. The skull-caves go untended, new skulls are not added to the older ones, and very few sacrifices are offered. Up in the Mgange and Mwanda districts there may still be one or two practising diviners, but it is doubtful if there remains a single dealer in black magic. The heathen, during one generation, have become irreligious; the former restraints have gone, and the tendency to indi vidualism unchecked by a social or community sense of responsibility is likely to increase, unless the message of Christ is widely accepted.

CRIME

There never has been very much litigation. There was no constituted judicial court; where a dispute arose between members of the same clan the elders of the clan would arbitrate, and where two clans were involved, the matter would be decided by the respective elders in consultation.

 

If a man was murdered, blood money would be demanded, which amounted to a hundred goats, two cows, and a maiden, or, in default, the murderer would be put to death in the same manner as that with which hè effected the death of his victim. It depended upon the murderer's clan whether they redeemed him or not. If a man killed his own wife, hè had to pay her family a bull and a cow.

 

When a man was murdered, if hè died cursing, the murderer's clan would have periodically to offer sacrifices to his spirit on the scène of the crime The place was called 'Seso', or 'Kirindi', and when trouble came to a village the diviner might indicate the need for a propitiatory sacrifice to the Seso, instead of to one of the household emblems of the departed spirits.

 

If a thief was caught, a fine would be imposed on the clan of a bull and a cow. But if hè persisted in thieving, his own relatives would bind him hand and foot and throw him over one of the many precipices in the coun­ try, so as to be rid of such a troublesome member.

 

The fine for fornication or adultery did not take into account whether the man was married or not. But if the co-respondent was a married woman the fine was two goats; if a girl, a bull; whilst if the girl became pregnant the fine was a bull and a cow. The responsibility for paying the fine fell on the clan, rather than the perpetrator of the act, and this had a salutary effect in preventing such irregularities.

FOLK-LORE

The tribe seems to have forgotten most of its folk­ lore, in respect of the creation of the world and such problems.. The first man was called Mwasela wa Kala, but his wife was given no name. No attempt was made to explain how this first couple were created, but to them the origin of everything was attributed, good and evil, social institutions, etc. If anyone asked 'Why such and such a thing?', the reply was always 'Ilago ja Mwasela wa Kala'.

 

Eclipses of the sun were ascribed to a snake, called Mwamlalu, trying unsuccessfully to eat the sun.

 

The moon was used for reckoning time, and guinea- fowl were taboo to the tribe for eating for the following reason. Once upon a time, as the moon had passed the full, and was later and later in rising, there arose a quarrel in a certain village. Some asserted that it was because the moon had been eating guinea-fowl, and was delayed by the feast, whilst others refused this explanation. Voices became raised, and the men-folk were in danger of settling the matter by fighting, when a woman called out, 'Let not the bird that is thought to be eaten by the moon be eaten by man.' This taboo was kept until recent times.

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

Ap art from the drum, or ngoma, and njuga, or bells, that are fastened to the ankles at times for dancing, there used to be four indigenous musical instruments. Ndereri is a horn, which was used for conveying messages from one village to another, and at the puberty feast of Mwari. It has only one note, a low one. Mserembe is a reed flute with three notes, Ngoli a reed pipe and Lwembe a horn pipe about three inches long; the two latter have only one shrill note. The three were used as desired, and had no ceremonial function. They are all fast falling out of use at the present time, whilst the guitar, triangle, and accordion are growing in popularity amongst dancers, and the harmonium amongst others. In music, the tribe is adaptable, and they quickly learn to play bamboo pipes, penny whistles, and mouth- organs. The majority of them have good voices and sing well, readily singing in parts. Little so far has been done in developing indigenous songs, as the Christian community prefer to learn Western tunes, saying that the indigenous tunes are full of insinuations and connections which make them unhealthy. Lately, though there has been some changes in this.

HANDIGRAFTS

The members of the tribe were never idle with their hands. The women made their own cooking pots, and also string bags for the storing of food and for carrying the harvest, whilst the men did the wood-carving, making plates, spoons, which were used for a porridge made out of bananas, stools, the wooden stick and hoe for cultivating and some of the men wove winnowing trays. In each clan there would be one or two smiths who made the spears or shangari, which were round and short, not bevelled like those of the Masai. Iron ore was probably obtained from the Wakamba, for they had an abundance of iron, of good quality, which was preferred by the people of Mombasa to that brought over from India.

TRIBAL RAIDS

It will be remembered that the warrior class consisted of the young married men with children, and not of unmarried youths, who were on no account allowed to fight. Apart from inter-clan clashes, the tribe engaged in warfare with the Masai, who were called the Waiwawi, the Wakamba, the Wachagga, who were called Wakirerna, and the Washamballa, living on the Usam- bara mountains. The people of Mgange were concernecl chiefly with the Masai or Wakwafi, who would pass round the foot of the mountains through Bura and Mwatate on their way to Giryama. Sometimes they would attack the villages up in the hills, but the Mgange people only called on the rest of the tribe to help in the event of the Masai attacking in force.

 

The people of Mbololo and Sagalla used to attack the' Wakamba on their journeys to the coast, primarily to seize the ivory. This was not so much organised warfare as a matter of robber-bands prowling in the plains.

 

The raids on the Wachagga and the Washamballa were properly organised raids, involving the whole tribe. This was about the only occasion on which the whole tribe united, even the sister branches of the tribe at Sagalla and Kasigau joining in the venture. But the unity scarcely ever lasted until the raid was completed, as they would fight each other over the spoil on their return. These raids into Usambara continued until the end of last century. Probably the Wasagalla did not take part in the last one or two raids owing to the presence in their midst of Mr. Wray. The object of these raids was to obtain cattle and children. The children would be fully adopted into the tribe, and would be married or given in marriage by their adopters, just like ordinary members of the tribe. There arose no class of serfs or slaves.

 

When a raid was mooted., the diviners would be consulted as to whether the omens were propitious, and the day and place of meeting were decided. The news would then be passed from village to village by blowing the ‘’msherembe’’, and calling out the news. The men then prepared themselves, whilst the women made ready the food, and special medicine-men, called 'weke mwaki-gangala', tied their concoctions into cloth and fixed them on long poles. These charms were called 'viweto'. Not all recipes were considered of equal strength, and in this respect the medicine-men from Rong'e were held in especial esteem.

 

The meeting-place was nearly always at Tasha, a hill on the plains near Mwatate. Here they would wait until all the warriors had arrived. Proceedings would then be controlled by the weke mwakigangala with their viweto. They would go in front of the warriors, and, when a halt was called, the viweto would be stuck in the ground. Their being taken up again was the signal for the force to continue on their journey. These charms were greatly feared. Each man took his own food, which generally consisted of fried flour and sweet potatoes.

 

On arrival at Usambara, scouts were appointed to reconnoitre . After the fighting, when it was time to re- assemble for the return journey, the warriors were summoned by whistling (with the fingers to the mouth), and the party re-formed, together with the booty seized, the viweto being carried in the front, with the same respect and awe shown to them as on the outward journey. The party stopped at Tasha, to split up into their several clans which would thereupon take separate courses. This was the occasion for fighting amongst each other, clan with clan, and individual with individual, each trying to seize as much booty for himself as possible, or else to keep what hè had already seized. Any- one who had obtained booty himself from the Washam balla villages had to fight vigorously to retain it, whilst those who had none tried to wrest some from the more lucky ones. There was no official dividing-out of the spoils.

 

In warfare it was a disgrace to call upon one's own mother when wounded. In such a case the man would be left to die unaided; but if the father was invoked, comrades would come to the rescue.